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Test 6: the formation of Russian parliamentarism. The formation of parliamentarism in Russia

The formation of parliamentarism The State Duma of the Russian Empire of the first convocation was the first representative legislative body in Russia elected by the population. It was the result of an attempt to transform Russia from an autocratic into a parliamentary monarchy, caused by the desire to stabilize the political situation in the face of numerous unrest and revolutionary uprisings. The Duma of the first convocation held one session and lasted 72 days, from April 27, 1906 to July 8, 1906, after which it was dissolved by the emperor. State Duma of the Russian EmpireRussia of the YearEmperor

Powers of the First State Duma The adjustment of the powers of the Duma and the endowment of legislative functions was carried out by the Manifesto “On Improving the State Order” of October 17, 1905. The Manifesto “On Improving the State Order” The powers of the Duma were finally determined by the law of February 20, 1906, regulating the work of the Duma and “ Basic State Laws" dated April 23, 1906. These documents significantly reduced the powers of the Duma. The Duma was elected for 5 years, and the Emperor had the right to dissolve it. The Duma could adopt laws proposed to it by the government, as well as approve the state budget. In the period between sessions, the emperor could single-handedly pass laws, which were then subject to approval by the Duma during the sessions (Article 87). The State Duma was the lower house of parliament. The role of the upper house was performed by the State Council, which was supposed to approve or reject laws adopted by the Duma. “Basic State Laws” State Council All executive power remained in the hands of the monarch, he also personally led the Armed Forces, determined foreign policy, decided on issues of declaring war and peace, introducing a state of emergency or martial law in any territory of the Empire. Armed Forces declaring a military emergency

Elections to the First State Duma The law on elections to the State Duma was published on December 11. The elections were indirect and had to be held according to the curial system: a total of 4 curiae were created - landowners, urban, peasants and workers, who were given the opportunity to choose a certain number of electors. In addition, there were categories of the population generally deprived of voting rights. These included foreign nationals, persons under 25 years of age, women, students, military personnel in active service, State Duma Curia

Composition of the First State Duma Based on party affiliation, the majority of seats were occupied by constitutional democrats (176 people). Also elected were 102 representatives of the Labor Union, 23 socialist-revolutionaries, 2 members of the Freethinkers Party, 33 members of the Polish Kolo, 26 peaceful renovationists, 18 social democrats (Mensheviks), 14 non-party autonomists, 12 progressives, 6 members of the Democratic Reform Party, 100 non-partisans .constitutional democrats "Labor Union" socialist-revolutionaryParty of freethinkersPolish colo peaceful renovationistssocial democratsMensheviksprogressivesparties of democratic reforms

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Activities of the First State Duma The main issue in the work of the First State Duma was the land issue. land question On May 7, the cadet faction, signed by 42 deputies, put forward a bill that provided for additional allocation of land to peasants at the expense of state, monastery, church, appanage and cabinet lands, as well as partial forced purchase of landowners' lands. On May 7, the fraction of the bill of the treasury monastic church appanage cabinet lands forced purchase of landowners' lands. On May 23, the Trudovik faction (104 people) proposed its own bill, which provided for the formation of a “public land fund”, from which it was supposed to allocate land for the use of landless and land-poor peasants, as well as the confiscation of lands from landowners in excess of the “labor norm” » with payment by the latter of the established remuneration. It was proposed to implement the project through elected local land committees. Confiscation On June 6, 33 deputies submitted a bill developed by the Social Revolutionaries on the immediate nationalization of all natural resources and the abolition of private ownership of land. By a majority vote, the Duma refused to consider such a radical project. nationalization of natural resources and private property radical

Dissolution of the First State Duma A number of liberal members of the Council of Ministers proposed introducing representatives of the Cadets into the government. This proposal did not receive the support of the majority of ministers. In turn, the State Duma expressed no confidence in the government, after which a number of ministers began to boycott the Duma and its meetings. Liberal distrust of the government boycotted. On July 6, 1906, instead of the unpopular I. L. Goremykin, the decisive P. A. Stolypin was appointed chairman of the Council of Ministers (who also retained the post Minister of the Interior). And already on July 8, a decree on the dissolution of the State Duma followed. The reason was the land issue. July 6, 1906I. L. GoremykinaP. A. Stolypin

Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian EmpireMinister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Empire April 26, 1911, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire July 8 (old style) September Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire

Political consequences On July 9 (Monday), deputies who came to the meeting found the doors to the Tauride Palace locked and a manifesto on the dissolution of the Duma nailed to a pole nearby. Part of them, 180 people, mainly Cadets, Trudoviks and Social Democrats, gathered in Vyborg (as the city of the Principality of Finland closest to St. Petersburg), adopted the appeal “To the people from the people’s representatives” (Vyborg Appeal). It stated that the government has no right, without the consent of the people's representatives, to collect taxes from the people or to conscript the people for military service. The Vyborg Appeal therefore called for civil disobedience by refusing to pay taxes and enlist in the army. The publication of the appeal did not lead to disobedience to the authorities, and all its signatories were sentenced to three months in prison and deprived of voting rights, that is, they could not subsequently become deputies of the State Duma. Vyborg Vyborg appeal

Explosion on Aptekarsky Island On Saturday, August 12, it was Stolypin’s reception day at the state dacha on Aptekarsky Island. The reception began at about half past two a carriage ("landau") drove up to the dacha, from which two people in gendarme uniforms emerged with briefcases in their hands. In the first reception room, having encountered General A.N. Zamyatin, who was making an appointment, the terrorists threw their briefcases to the next door and rushed away. There was a powerful explosion, more than 100 people were injured: 27 people died on the spot, 33 were seriously injured, many later died. The children of Pyotr Arkadyevich, his fourteen-year-old daughter and three-year-old son, were also injured. The prime minister himself and the visitors in the office received bruises (the door was ripped off its hinges). According to eyewitnesses, Stolypin did not lose his composure and restraint for a second. Aptekarsky Island terrorists In response to the machinations of militants, on August 19, 1906, a decree was issued, known as the “decree on courts-martial,” which played an important role in the history of Russia. But this Decree was not introduced by Stolypin into the Second Duma, and on April 20, 1907, according to existing legislation, military courts were abolished.

Reform activity The most effective means of counteracting the revolution was the Stolypin agrarian reform, the reform of peasant land ownership in Russia, which took place from 1906 to 1917. Named after its initiator P. A. Stolypin. reform of Russia years P. A. Stolypin Main content 1. Permission to leave the community for farmsteads (decree of November 9, 1906), 2. forced land management (laws of June 14, 1910 and May 29, 1911), 3. reorganization of the work of the Peasant Bank (financial encouragement for community members going out to farm or cut) and 4. strengthening the resettlement policy (moving the rural population of the central regions of Russia for permanent residence in the sparsely populated outlying areas of Siberia, the Far East and the Steppe Territory as a means of internal colonization) were aimed at eliminating the peasant land shortage, intensifying the economic activity of the peasantry on the basis of private land ownership, increasing the marketability of peasant farming.November 9 June May 1911 RussiaSiberiaFar EastSteppe region

Second State Duma The State Duma of the second convocation worked from February 20 to June 2, 1907 (one session). In terms of its composition, it was generally to the left of the first, since Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries took part in the elections. Convened in accordance with the electoral law of December 11, 1905. Of the 518 deputies there were: 65 Social Democrats, 37 Socialist Revolutionaries, 16 People's Socialists, 104 Trudoviks, 98 Cadets (almost half as many as in the first Duma), 54 rightists and Octobrists, 76 autonomists , there were 50 non-party members, the Cossack group numbered 17, the Democratic Reform Party was represented by one deputy.

Second State Duma PartyI DumaII Duma RSDLP (10) Social Revolutionaries-37-- People's Socialists-16-- Trudoviks107 (97) Progressive Party Cadets Autonomists Octobrists Nationalists Left Non-Party

The Second State Duma Cadet F.A. Golovin was elected Chairman. The chairman’s comrades were N.N. Poznansky (non-party leftist) and M.E. Berezin (Trudovik). Secretary M. V. Chelnokov (cadet). The Cadets continued to advocate the alienation of part of the landowners' land and its transfer to the peasants for ransom. Peasant deputies insisted on nationalization of the land. On June 1, 1907, Prime Minister Stolypin accused 55 deputies of plotting against the royal family. The Duma was dissolved by decree of Nicholas II on June 3 (June Third Coup). Stolypin Third June Coup

Second State Duma Third June coup dissolution of the State Duma of the second convocation on June 3 (16), 1907 and changes in the electoral law. Considered the end of the First Russian Revolution. The pretext for the dissolution of the Duma was revolutionary agitation among soldiers carried out by deputies from the RSDLP. The tsarist government demanded that 55 Social Democratic deputies of the Duma be brought to trial and on the night of June 3, without waiting for the decision of the Duma commission created to investigate this charge, they were arrested. In the afternoon the Duma was dissolved. (16) June 1907 State Duma of the 2nd convocation of the First Russian Revolution

June 3rd coup. Completion of the First Russian Revolution According to the Regulations on the elections to the State Duma, published on June 3, 2/3 of the number of electors were received by landowners and the big bourgeoisie. Peasants, workers, petty bourgeoisie and urban intelligentsia received 1/3 of the number of electors. Some national outskirts (for example, Central Asia) were deprived of representation. Regulations on elections to the State Duma

June 3rd coup. Completion of the First Russian Revolution According to the manifesto of October 17, 1905, new laws could not be introduced without the approval of the Duma. Although after this the sovereign signed many legal acts against the will of the Duma, they were called decrees, not laws. The Manifesto of February 20, 1906 established that no law is valid without the approval of the Tsar. This manifesto (and then Article 87 of the Basic Laws of the Russian Empire) allowed the emperor to introduce or change laws bypassing the Duma, but only in the intervals between sessions of the Duma or between the dissolution of one Duma and the convening of another; within two months after the resumption of the Duma, such laws were to be submitted to the Duma, which had the right to reject them.

June 3rd coup. Completion of the First Russian Revolution The June 3rd coup did not cause, as some deputies expected, a resumption of the revolutionary movement. There were only acts of individual terror on the part of the Socialist Revolutionaries, but they also happened before the coup. Therefore, June 3, 1907 is considered the date of the end of the First Russian Revolution.

Test work Option 1 (yes-no) The Speaker of the First State Duma was F. Golovin ______ The uprising on the battleship Potemkin occurred in June 1905. ______ Option 2 (yes-no) The First Council of Workers' Deputies was created in January 1905. ______ The reorganization of the State Council into the upper house of parliament took place by decree dated ______

Test work Option 1 Highlight the stages of the First Russian Revolution and give them a brief description. Give one example for each stage of option 2. Name at least three positive and three negative consequences of the First Russian Revolution. Give any two examples.

2. The formation of Russian parliamentarism

The First Russian Revolution was the greatest catalyst for the formation of new political parties. Each class had to determine its place in the revolution, its relationship to the existing system, the prospects for the development of the state, and its relationship to other classes. Such political organizations, expressing and defending the interests of classes and social groups, were parties. The starting date for the emergence of legal parties was the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, and already in 1906 there were up to 50 political parties in the Russian Empire.

The political camps, their classes and parties were:

– Government camp sought to preserve autocracy in Russia at any cost ( monarchists). The main classes making up this camp were the nobles and the big bourgeoisie. Their interests were represented by the party “Union of the Russian People” (RNC). “Council of the United Nobility”, “Trading Industrial Party”, etc. The most influential party was the RNC party, which adopted the programmatic traditions of the Black Hundreds. In just one month of “free life,” granted on October 17, 1905, more than 4 thousand people died at the hands of the Black Hundreds, and up to 10 thousand were maimed. This was done with the full support of the authorities, right up to the highest.

The ideology of the Black Hundreds was based on three main principles: Orthodoxy, autocracy and the sovereign Russian people. The charter of the RNC established that only Russian people of all classes and wealth could be its members. The number of members is from 600 thousand to 3 million people.

– Liberal-bourgeois camp. It consisted mainly of representatives of the bourgeoisie, landowners and intelligentsia, preaching the ideas of liberalization. The political interests of this camp were represented by the parties: “Union of October 17” (Octobrists), Constitutional Democratic Party (Cadets), etc.

Class the basis of the Octobrists consisted of large landowners and the large commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The leader of the parties in 1906 was A.I. Guchkov. the main objective Octobrists - to assist the government, which is following the path of saving reforms, a complete and comprehensive renewal of the state and social system of Russia. They stood for a constitutional monarchy, for the Duma as a legislative body, for freedom of industry, trade, etc.

Members of the Cadet Party were highly paid categories of employees, representatives of the urban petty bourgeoisie, handicraftsmen, and artisans. The basis of the party was the liberal intelligentsia - professors and private assistant professors, lawyers, doctors, veterinarians, gymnasium teachers, editors of newspapers and magazines, prominent writers, engineers, etc. Since 1907, P.N. became the chairman of the party. Miliukov.

The program of the Cadet Party consisted of eight sections and was aimed at demands for freedom of speech, conscience, press, meetings and unions, inviolability of personality and home, freedom of movement and the abolition of the passport system, etc. In various years, the number of the party was 50-70 thousand people .

- Revolutionary-democratic camp. Its social basis was made up of the proletariat and peasantry, as well as the petty-bourgeois strata of the urban population, minor employees, and the democratic part of the intelligentsia. In this camp, two directions were clearly distinguished: a) neo-populist, popular socialist, labor parties and groups; b) social democratic, led by the RSDLP.

Among the organizations of the second direction in terms of the degree of political activity and mass participation, it was the leader Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs)), which formed into a party in 1902. Party leader V.I. Chernov. The central point of the Socialist-Revolutionary program was the demand for “socialization of the land,” that is, the expropriation of large landholdings and the transfer of land without ransom into the public domain. This program, like other democratic demands of the Social Revolutionaries, secured them support among the peasantry.

Recognizing the revolution as a violent action, the Socialist Revolutionary Party recognized individual terror as an effective means of fighting tsarism. For these purposes, the Social Revolutionaries created a conspiratorial Combat Organization. During the years of the revolution, it was headed by E.F. Azef, and after his connection with the royal guard was exposed in 1908, the “Combat Organization” was headed by B.V. Savinkov. From 1907-1911 it carried out more than 200 terrorist attacks.

In 1906, the right wing broke away from the party, from which it formed Labor People's Socialist Party (ENS), which expressed the interests of wealthy peasants and was limited to the demand for the establishment of a constitutional monarchy and the alienation of landowners' lands for a moderate reward.

At the beginning of the twentieth century. managed to create his own party and social democrats. The Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) took place in July-August 1903, first in Brussels and then in London. The congress approved the program and charter of the party. However, already at the first congress there was a split in the party. Supporters of the decisions of the congress, who received a majority in the selection of the party’s governing bodies, began to be called Bolsheviks(leaders V. Lenin, A. Bogdanov, P. Krasin, A. Lunacharsky, etc.), and their opponents - Mensheviks(leaders G. Plekhanov, P. Axelrod, Yu. Martov, L. Trotsky, etc.). The differences between the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks, as the years of the revolution showed, took on an increasingly deeper character.

The Bolshevik program was the most radical. It defined the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat as the main, final goal of the party.

Bolshevik strategy made the following provisions:

– the main goal of the proletariat is to overthrow the autocracy and establish a democratic republic;

– the hegemon of the revolution is the proletariat in alliance with the peasantry and various democratic forces;

– creation of a revolutionary government with the active participation of representatives of the RSDLP in it;

– the development of a democratic revolution into a socialist revolution.

Bolshevik tactics was to recognize the most important means of struggle for the conquest of a democratic republic as a general political strike and an armed uprising. Preparing it was called the main task of the party.

Against the backdrop of changes in the world at the beginning of the twentieth century. the Russian monarchy looked like a political anachronism. System of government authorities and management of Russia , which had developed during the reign of Alexander I, remained unchanged. All power in the state belonged to the emperor. Under the tsar, the State Council, appointed by him, existed as an advisory body. The country had no parliament, no legal parties, no basic political freedoms. The “power” ministers (military, naval, foreign affairs) reported directly to the emperor. The tsar himself was convinced that autocracy was the only acceptable form of government for Russia, and he called all proposals for the introduction of at least some kind of representative institution “senseless throwing around.”

At the end of 1904 Nicholas I I once again did not accept the proposal of the liberal opposition, supported by the Minister of Internal Affairs, Prince P.D. Svyatopolk Mirsky, on the introduction of a representative body of government in the country. And less than a month later, a revolution began in Russia. She forced the Russian autocrat to return to the issues of brewing socio-political transformations.

In July 1905, at a meeting in Tsarskoe Selo, the question of how to get out of a difficult situation with minimal losses was discussed for five days. The Emperor instructed the Minister of Internal Affairs A.G. Bulygin to develop a project on the establishment of the Duma - a legislative advisory representative body and the Regulations on elections. It is characteristic that at this meeting Nicholas II proposed calling the Duma not “State”, but “Sovereign”. However, it was not possible to hold elections. In an atmosphere of increasing revolutionary uprisings and the boycott of the “Bulyginskaya” Duma Nicholas II signed on October 17, 1905, prepared by S.Yu. Witte, became chairman of the joint Council of Ministers of Russia, Manifesto, which declared:

– political freedoms;

- the reign of the Tsar in accordance with the State Duma;

– the Duma was endowed with legislative rights;

– a wider layer of subjects was allowed to participate in the elections.

One of the Russian magazines called the regime of government proposed in the Manifesto "a constitutional empire under an autocratic tsar." At the same time, the Manifesto of October 17 became the basis for a temporary compromise between the government and the liberal movement and ensured the survival of the autocracy in the conditions of the revolution. The parties of the Octobrists and Cadets, which arose on the basis of the liberal movement, formed a kind of “center” of the opposition movement in the country, which largely balanced the two camps - right and left.

The electoral law was published on December 11, 1905, at the height of the armed uprising in Moscow. The law provided significant benefits to peasants, and the distribution of almost half of the deputy mandates depended on their choice.

Elections in I The th State Duma was held in March-April 1906. At the same time, the government sought to create a counterweight to the Duma in the upper echelon of power. To this end, the State Council from an advisory body under the Tsar in February 1906 was transformed into the upper house of the future Russian parliament.

The legislative framework has also been improved. In April 1906, three days before the opening of the Duma, changes were made to the “Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire”. The changes determined that the emperor, while maintaining his title and the right of autocracy, exercises legislative power in unity with the State Council and the State Duma. The “Basic Laws” established that bills not adopted by the chambers of the Russian parliament could not enter into force. As a result of changes made to the political system of the state, a strange system was established in Russia - constitutional autocracy.

On the eve of the Duma elections, the tsar still believed in the loyalty of the people and hoped that the peasants would support conservative candidates. The election results were unexpected. A significant place in the Duma was occupied by deputies who advocated a decisive renewal of Russian society and civilized forms and methods of managing social processes. After working for only 72 days, the Duma was dissolved on July 9, 1906. The short history of this Duma was predetermined by the not always justified haste of deputies in putting forward a number of demands (abolition of the State Council, expansion of the rights of the Duma, resignation of the government and its subordination to parliament, etc.), as well as excessive emotionality, which turned Parliamentary sessions into political battles and rallies.

This could be the end of parliamentarism in Russia. But the situation in the country was still very difficult, which forced the ruling regime to maneuver and undertake certain reforms. On the day of the dissolution of the Duma the government was headed by P.A. Stolypin. At In this regard, he retained the post of Minister of Internal Affairs, which was key in the system of governing the empire.

Stolypin's activities clearly demonstrated his desire to stabilize the situation in the country by combining tough measures to combat revolutionary sentiments and gradual reforms to update the old system. Stolypin had more than enough power to fight the revolutionary movement. To carry out reforms, propaganda of new ideas and political support was required in society. Stolypin tried to make I I th State Duma. She began work on February 20, 1907.

I I The Duma was elected according to the old electoral law and, despite various manipulations during the elections, its composition turned out to be even to the left of the first. The Duma took into account the experience of its predecessor and acted more cautiously, but it did not want to blindly follow the path of government policy. After May 10, when the Duma refused to approve the government’s concept of resolving the agrarian question (decree of November 9, 1906) and continued to insist on the forced alienation of part of the landowners’ lands, its dissolution became inevitable, and its specific date depended only on the readiness of the new electoral law.

According to the “Basic Laws”, changes in the procedure for elections to the Duma could not be made without the approval of the Duma itself. But Nicholas II committed a direct violation of the law. Of the three presented options for the new Election Regulations, the tsar and the government chose the one that provided clear advantages to the noble landowners.

According to the new law, the number of electors from peasants was reduced by 46%, and from landowners it was increased by 1/3. Representation in the Duma from the national outskirts was significantly reduced. As a result, for the landowning curia there was one elector per 230 people, for the peasant curia - for 60 thousand, for the workers' curia - for 125 thousand people. In cities with direct elections, significant advantages were provided to merchants, traders and other wealthy classes. Persons who did not have separate apartments were not allowed to vote in the city curia. The total number of deputies in the Duma was reduced from 542 to 442 people.

Having secured himself with the new electoral law, the tsar could dissolve the Second Duma. For this purpose, the Social Democratic Party was fabricated to accuse the Social Democratic Party of preparing a military coup. On June 3, 1907, the Tsar's manifesto on the dissolution of the Duma and the new Regulations on elections were published. This act went down in the history of the country as the June 3rd coup d'etat, since the decision to dissolve the representative institution and the new electoral law were adopted contrary to the Manifesto of October 17.

Nicholas II and Stolypin clearly needed a more obedient parliament. And not just obedient, but giving the opportunity to protect the foundations of autocracy and capable of implementing the government reform program. Their efforts were crowned with success: the nobles, who made up just over 1% of the population, received 178 out of 442 seats in the Duma, the Cadets - 104, and the Octobrists - 154 seats. The outcome of any vote in the Duma was decided by the Octobrists, whose representatives, N.A. Khomyakov, A.I. Guchkov and M.V. Rodzianko, were successively chairmen of I 1st Duma.

This is how it was created "June 3rd system" which marked the beginning of the formation of a bourgeois monarchy in Russia, which was based on the alliance of landowners with the upper classes of the bourgeoisie, politically formalized in the Duma. But for the normal functioning of such a complex system as the “June Third Monarchy”, almost ideal conditions were required, and first of all, long-term “peace” in the country and the success of the reforms being carried out. Moreover, in the conditions of a fairly long political calm after the first revolution, “peace” in the country was largely determined by the relationship between the monarch, the government and the Duma.

It would be a stretch to call these relations constructive cooperation. The tsar himself, despite certain compromises, did not like the Duma and was ready to take any measures in order to preserve the monarchy unchanged.

Stolypin, instead of cooperating with parliament, sought to load the Duma with hundreds of small bills, calling them in a narrow circle “legislative chewing gum.” Increasingly, the prime minister preferred to make the most significant decisions bypassing the Duma. Unlike its predecessors, the Third Duma worked for a full term. She discussed and approved 2,197 bills, but only a few of them were of fundamental importance for Russia.

The Third Duma did not become a true parliament, a control body under the government bureaucracy. In the “June Third Monarchy,” there was a conservation of the progressive novice masses, brought up in the spirit of, albeit communal, but still democracy.

The last one in the history of autocratic Russia I V The State Duma worked from December 15, 1912 to February 27, 1917. M.V. was elected its chairman. Rodzianko. In the Duma, the monarchists and the rightists received 185 seats, the Octobrists - 98, the progressives and cadets 97, the Social Democrats - 14, the Trudoviks - 10. Again, as in the Third Duma, two majorities emerged: the rightists and the Octobrists - 280 votes, the Octobrists, Cadets and national parties - approximately 225 votes. The difference from the Third Duma was that the right was now the largest faction.

The First World War brought the masses closer to understanding what constitutes power and what kind of state they live in. Growing up in the wake of the socio-economic and political crisis of the empire, in conditions of unprecedented discreditation of power, the February revolution swept away the 300-year-old monarchy in a few days.

Under these conditions, the Russian parliament was unable to lead the mass movement. The Duma, as stated by the leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Miliukov, will continue to act “by word and vote.” The general state and mood of the liberal opposition (and therefore the majority of the Duma) was very clearly expressed by the leader of the nationalists V.V. Shulgin: “We were born and raised to praise or blame it under the wing of power... But before the possible fall of power, before the bottomless abyss of this collapse, our heads were spinning and our hearts were numb.”

On February 27, 1917, by decree of the Tsar, transmitted through the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, the Duma was dissolved for vacation and no longer met in its entirety. Only 12 deputies formed the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and dared to create a government.

Thus ended the history of the formation of Russian parliamentarism at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Assessments of the activities of the State Duma of all four convocations are quite contradictory. Having emerged on the wave of the revolutionary movement, the Russian parliament largely reflected the sentiments of the warring parties. Being under the strong dictate of the government, in the conditions of constant confrontation between political forces in the deputy corps, the Duma never became a law-making and independent parliament. The authority of this representative institution in Russian society was generally low. At the same time, it cannot be denied that the first popular representation in the history of the country, in the difficult conditions of constitutional autocracy, tried to soften the relationship between government and society, made a great contribution to the propaganda of the parliamentary model of Russian statehood, and advocated the peaceful evolution of the huge country into a civilized society.

RUSSIA IN 1900-1916

Economic development of Russia

1. At the beginning of the 20th century. The Russian Empire ranked first in the world in:

a) the volume of national income;

b) the rate of growth of national income;

c) industrial production per capita.

2. Characteristic features of the economic development of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. were:

a) the leading role of state regulation in the economic life of the country;

b) widespread attraction of foreign capital;

c) significant scale of capital export from the country;

d) high level of concentration of production;

e) the predominance of industrial production over agricultural production.

3. The rapid monopolization of the Russian economy was explained:

a) the possibility of developing capitalism “in breadth”;

b) an initially high level of concentration of production;

c) the destructive nature of economic crises.

4. Russia’s special interest in attracting foreign capital was caused by:

a) excessively high government spending;

b) the predominance of the agricultural sector in the economy;

c) the desire to integrate into the world economy.

5. Characteristic features of the development of agriculture in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. were:

a) the predominance of communal peasant land ownership;

b) widespread development of farms;

c) peasant land shortage;

d) growth in the marketability of peasant farms;

e) agricultural overpopulation;

f) the rapid transition of landowners' farms to capitalist lines.

6. The Russian army was the largest in the world in terms of numbers, because:

a) Russia sought to gain territorial gains;

b) Russia was constantly threatened by neighboring states;

c) the geostrategic position of the country was vulnerable.

7. At the beginning of the 20th century. industry share in

national income was:

8. The share of the Russian population living at the beginning of the 20th century. in cities, equaled:

9. At the beginning of the 20th century. over 1 million people lived in:

a) St. Petersburg;

b) Moscow;

d) Odessa.

10. In Russia, foreign investors preferred to invest in:

a) agriculture;

b) light and food industry;

c) heavy industry.

11. Monetary reform in Russia was carried out in:

12. The main content of the monetary reform of S. Yu. Witte was:

a) a decrease in the gold content of the ruble (devaluation);

b) change in the nominal value of banknotes (denomination);

c) establishing the gold equivalent of the ruble.

13. Contemporaries called the “impoverishment of the center”:

a) the absence of rich mineral deposits in Central Russia;

b) low population growth in the central regions of Russia;

c) a decrease in the level of marketability of peasant farms in the central provinces of Russia.

14. The idea of introducing a wine monopoly in the country belonged to:

a) Nicholas II;

b) S. Yu. Witte;

c) P. A. Stolypin.

15. Tula Arms Plant:

a) was part of the Putilov Plants concern;

b) was the private property of the Knop family;

c) was a state enterprise.

16. The first tram line in Moscow was put into operation in:

17. Indicate which terms correspond to the following definitions:

a) the process of increasing the role of cities in the development of society, concentrating industry and population in them;

b) a society in which a high level of development of large-scale industrial production and corresponding social and political relations has been achieved;

c) a list (estimate) of the state’s monetary income and expenses for a certain period;

d) income received by the owner of the share, part of the profit of the joint-stock company;

e) long-term capital investments in sectors of the economy.

a) State budget; b) dividends; c) industrial society; d) investments; e) urbanization.

Political development of Russia

1. The main contradiction of the political system of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. Was:

a) the contradiction between the executive and legislative powers;

b) the contradiction between the tendency to form a civil society and unlimited autocratic power;

c) the presence of disagreements within the government.

2. Executive body of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. was called:

a) Council of Ministers;

c) Cabinet of Ministers.

3. The political demand put forward by the zemstvo community at that time boiled down to:

a) the introduction of people's representatives into government bodies;

b) the immediate adoption of a constitution in the country;

c) maintaining autocratic power.

4. “I am convinced that only our historically established autocracy can renew Russia” - these words belong to:

a) S. Yu. Witte;

b) P. N. Milyukov;

c) V. K. Plehve.

5. The perpetrator of the terrorist act against V.K. Plehve was:

a) E. S. Sozonov;

b) E. F. Azef;

c) P. V. Karpovich.

6. The post of Minister of Internal Affairs after the murder of V.K. Plehve was taken by:

a) S. Yu. Witte;

b) P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky;

c) P. A. Stolypin.

7. The main directions of the reform program proposed by P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky were:

a) destruction of the peasant community;

b) introduction of an 8-hour working day;

c) the introduction of elected representatives from zemstvos and cities into the State Council;

d) bringing peasants closer in rights to representatives of other classes;

e) expanding the scope of activity of zemstvos.

8. P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, proclaiming a course towards cooperation between the authorities and zemstvos, set the goal:

a) turn Russia into a constitutional monarchy;

b) create popularity in liberal circles;

c) expand and strengthen the socio-political basis of the existing regime.

9. The government of Nicholas II at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. The following political steps have been taken towards Finland

a) providing her with complete independence;

b) the king arrogated to himself the right to issue laws for Finland without the consent of its Diet;

c) national military units were disbanded;

d) a manifesto was issued on the conduct of office work in state institutions in Russian;

e) the Governor General of Finland was granted emergency powers.

10. Indicate who the following statements belong to:

a) “If you don’t make liberal reforms, if you don’t satisfy the completely natural desires of everyone, then there will be changes, and already in the form of a revolution”;

b) “Why could they think that I would be a liberal? Now I can’t say this word”;

d) “... you don’t know the internal situation in Russia. To hold the revolution, we need a small, victorious war.”

a) S. Yu. Witte; b) V. K. Plehve; c) P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky; d) Nicholas II.

11. Indicate which terms correspond to the following definitions:

a) the fundamental law of the state, defining its social and governmental structure, electoral system, principles of organization and activities of state authorities and administration, fundamental rights and obligations of citizens;

b) a system of local all-estate self-government;

c) a set of highly developed social, economic, cultural, etc. institutions and interpersonal relationships that exists outside the state and is protected from its interference, allowing the realization of the various needs and interests of members of society;

d) a form of government in which the supreme power in the state belongs to an elected representative body;

e) a form of government and a state headed by one person, whose power is primarily inherited.

a) Civil society; b) zemstvo; c) constitution; d) monarchy; d) republic.

Social structure

Russian Empire

1. Indicate the main feature of the social structure of Russian society at the beginning of the 20th century:

a) class division;

b) the presence of the main classes of traditional (feudal) and capitalist societies;

c) differentiation of the population along class lines.

2. Indicate which social groups belong to traditional, feudal (I), and which belong to capitalist (II) society:

a) peasants

e) philistinism;

f) merchants;

g) farming.

3. Characteristic features of the situation of the Russian proletariat at the beginning of the 20th century. were:

a) high concentration of workers in industrial enterprises;

b) low working hours;

c) a well-thought-out system of social benefits and guarantees;

d) lack of basic civil rights;

e) draconian system of fines.

a) peasants;

b) emigrants from Eastern countries;

c) intelligentsia.

5. Form logical pairs from the following provisions, interconnected as cause and effect:

a) lack of labor legislation;

b) high concentration of labor;

c) poor technical equipment of enterprises;

d) mass discontent among workers.

6. The length of the working day for an adult man in factories and factories in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. was:

a) 8 hours;

b) 11.5 hours;

c) 10 o'clock.

7. In refusing the workers’ demands to reduce the working hours, the government referred to:

a) the presence of a large number of days off per year, especially religious holidays;

b) low labor productivity;

c) difficult international situation.

8. Match names and facts:

a) A. I. Putilov;

b) S. T. Morozov;

c) P. M. Tretyakov;

d) N. I. Prokhorov;

d) A. L. Shanyavsky.

a) Grand Prix at the World Exhibition in Paris for caring for the welfare of workers; b) opening of a gallery of Russian realistic art in Moscow; c) material assistance to revolutionary organizations; d) opening of a people's university in Moscow; e) founding of the Russian-Asian Bank.

9. At the beginning of the century in Russia they called kulaks:

a) rural moneylenders;

b) wealthy peasants;

c) peasants who separated from the community.

10. The main tenant of the land at the beginning of the 20th century. performed:

a) peasants;

b) representatives of the bourgeoisie;

c) landowners.

11. Most of the landowners' farms by the beginning of the 20th century. never switched to bourgeois rails, because:

a) it required large capital, and the landowners did not have it;

b) Russian landowners did not have the necessary psychological attitudes;

c) semi-feudal exploitation of peasants remained in land relations.

12. Sharecropping is:

a) collective use of mowing meadows;

b) a type of lease in which the tenant pays the owner of the land with half of the harvest;

c) rental of agricultural machinery.

13. Indicate what rights government officials were deprived of at the beginning of the 20th century. :

a) participate in the activities of political parties;

b) engage in commercial and entrepreneurial activities;

c) own land;

d) marry foreigners.

14. Specify the terms that correspond to the following definitions:

a) a social group in pre-capitalist societies that has rights and obligations fixed by custom or law and inherited by inheritance;

b) large social groups that differ in their relationship to the means of production, in their role in the social organization of labor, in the methods of receiving and the amount of income;

c) persons who do not have a certain social status;

d) part of the population not in demand by production, a necessary element of the labor market.

a) Marginalized; b) reserve army of labor; c) class; d) classes.

First Russian Revolution

1. Contemporaries called the “highlight” of the first revolution the requirement:

a) 8-hour working day;

b) destruction of landownership;

c) the creation of bodies of popular representation in the country.

2. On January 29, 1905, by a special imperial decree, a commission was formed under the leadership of S. I. Shidlovsky, which received the task:

a) study the reasons that led to the shooting of the peaceful demonstration of workers on January 9, 1905, and punish the perpetrators of the tragedy;

b) prepare a decree on the transfer of part of the landowners' lands to the peasants;

c) study the working and living conditions of workers

for further action.

3. Place the following events in chronological order:

a) the formation of the Council of Workers’ Representatives in Ivanovo-Voznesensk;

b) the uprising of sailors on the battleship “Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky”;

c) the shooting of a peaceful march of workers in St. Petersburg;

d) armed uprising in Moscow;

e) All-Russian political strike.

4. It is known that in 1905 Nicholas II was inclined to suppress the revolution by force and in this regard intended to appoint a military dictator. However, according to the recollections of the head of the office of the Ministry of the Imperial Court, A. A. Mosolov, the man whom the emperor predicted to become a dictator said: “If the sovereign does not accept Witte’s program and wants to appoint me dictator, I will shoot myself in front of his eyes...” This was :

a) Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, commander of the Guard troops in the St. Petersburg Military District;

b) F.V. Dubasov, Moscow Governor-General;

c) D. F. Trepov, St. Petersburg Governor General.

5. The guards regiment “became famous” for suppressing an armed uprising in Moscow:

a) Volynsky;

b) Semenovsky;

c) Preobrazhensky.

6. The first chairman of the St. Petersburg Council of Workers' Deputies (October 1905) was elected:

a) G. V. Plekhanov;

b) L. D. Trotsky;

c) G. S. Khrustalev-Nosar.

7. The government troops that brutally suppressed the uprising of Moscow workers in the Presnya region in December 1905 were commanded by:

a) Admiral F.V. Dubasov;

b) General A. N. Meller-Zakomelsky;

c) General S.S. Khabalov.

8. Match events, dates and cities:

a) the uprising of sailors on the battleship “Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky”;

b) performance of sailors under the leadership of Lieutenant P.P. Schmidt;

c) formation of the Council of Workers' Representatives;

d) shooting of a peaceful march of workers;

e) armed uprising.

a) St. Petersburg; b) Moscow; c) Ivanovo-Voznesensk; d) Sevastopol; d) Odessa.

9. Note the demands from the workers’ petition to Nicholas II, which were satisfied by the government during the first Russian revolution:

a) the creation of bodies of popular representation in the country;

b) introduction of democratic rights and freedoms in the country;

c) universal compulsory free education;

d) separation of church and state;

e) cancellation of redemption payments;

f) 8-hour working day.

10. The main result of the revolution of 1905-1907. was:

a) liquidation of landownership;

b) meeting the economic demands of the working class;

c) the emergence of a legislative representative body of power.

The emergence of a multi-party system

in Russia

1. Name the features of the emergence of a multi-party system in the country:

a) earlier emergence of political parties compared to European countries;

b) socialist parties were the first to emerge;

c) the organization of political parties became possible solely thanks to the efforts of the intelligentsia;

d) a small number of political parties;

e) a significant number of political parties.

The king got scared and issued a manifesto:

“Freedom for the dead! Those alive are under arrest!”

Prisons and bullets

The people were returned.

So they put an end to freedom.

According to his political views, the poet belonged to:

a) liberals;

b) Black Hundreds;

c) social democrats.

3. At the Second Congress of the RSDLP (1903), Lenin’s supporters were called “Bolsheviks”, since they:

a) had a numerical majority at the congress;

b) secured a majority in elections to the central bodies of the party;

c) dominated in the composition of grassroots party organizations.

4. The agricultural part of the RSDLP Program was revised in:

5. The project of “municipalization” of the land was put forward by:

a) Bolsheviks;

b) Mensheviks;

c) cadets.

6. The land “municipalization” program provided for:

a) nationalization of all land in the country;

b) confiscation of the landowner's land;

c) preservation of small peasant ownership of land;

e) transfer of land to the disposal of local authorities.

7. The Socialist Revolutionary program for the “socialization” of the land provided for:

a) withdrawal of land from commercial circulation;

b) distribution of land according to consumer or “labor” norm;

c) transfer of land into state ownership;

d) transfer of land to the disposal of peasant communities;

e) confiscation of the landowner's land.

8. The requirement for an 8-hour working day was not included in the program:

b) constitutional democratic party;

c) the Socialist Revolutionary Party.

9. The federal structure of the state demanded:

c) constitutional democratic party.

10. The ideas and demands of the program of the constitutional democratic party were:

a) liquidation of autocracy;

b) limitation of autocracy by a parliamentary democratic body;

c) the right of nations to self-determination;

d) preservation of a united and indivisible Russia with the granting of autonomy to Poland and Finland;

e) introduction of democratic rights and freedoms.

11. The ideas and demands of the program of the “Union of the Russian People” were:

a) establishment of a constitutional monarchy;

b) preservation and strengthening of autocratic power;

c) Russia for Russians;

d) convening of the State Duma;

e) introduction of universal suffrage.

12. Name the leaders of the following parties:

a) constitutional democratic;

c) socialist revolutionaries;

d) "Union of the Russian People."

a) A. I. Guchkov; b) V. I. Ulyanov; c) P. N. Milyukov; d) A. I. Dubrovin; d) V. M. Chernov.

13. At the beginning of the 20th century. The victims of the Socialist Revolutionary terror were:

a) Governor General of Moscow, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich;

b) Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Plehve;

c) Governor General of St. Petersburg D. F. Trepov;

d) State Duma deputy M. Ya. Herzenshtein.

Experience of Russian parliamentarism

a) A. G. Bulygin;

b) P. A. Stolypin;

c) P. N. Durnovo.

2. The law on elections to the First State Duma was adopted:

3. In Russia, the following were deprived of voting rights:

a) women;

b) youth under 25 years of age;

c) workers of large industrial enterprises

d) military personnel;

d) officials.

4. The principles characteristic of the Russian electoral system were:

a) direct participation in elections of the entire population;

b) equal participation in elections of the entire population;

c) curial election system;

d) multi-level election system.

5. Article 87 of the Basic Laws of the Russian Empire provided for the right of the emperor:

a) issue urgent laws during breaks between sessions of the Duma;

b) dissolve the Duma at its own discretion;

c) change the electoral law.

a) was the upper legislative chamber;

b) exercised control over the activities of the State Duma;

c) controlled the execution of decisions of the State Duma.

7. By decree of February 20, 1906, the principle of staffing the State Council changed, namely:

a) the entire population of the country participated in his election;

b) only representatives of the noble class were allowed to participate in his elections;

c) half of the members of the State Council were elected by elite organizations, half were appointed by the emperor.

8. On April 16, 1905, S. Yu. Witte was dismissed from the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers for the reason that he:

a) delayed in every possible way the opening of the First State Duma;

b) was going to become a Duma deputy;

c) assured Nicholas II that with the advent of the Duma, revolutionary protests would stop, but this did not happen.

9. Instead of S. Yu. Witte, the following was appointed to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers:

a) A. G. Bulygin;

b) I. L. Goremykin;

c) P. A. Stolypin.

10. The 1st State Duma worked with:

11. In the First State Duma, the largest faction was:

a) Trudoviks;

b) monarchists;

c) cadets.

12. Elections to the First State Duma were boycotted by:

a) social democrats;

c) monarchists.

13. The 1st State Duma was called the “Duma of People’s Hopes”, because:

a) its discovery in society was associated with Russia’s transition to parliamentarism;

b) the peasants hoped to receive from her hands

landowner's land;

c) the people expected her to adopt a constitution.

14. “Project 104”, submitted to the First State Duma by the Labor Group on May 23, 1906, provided for:

a) immediate transfer of all land with its subsoil and waters into public ownership;

b) alienation of part of the landowners' lands exceeding the “labor norm”;

c) creation of a “national land fund”;

d) immediate and complete destruction of private ownership of land;

e) allocating land to everyone who wants to cultivate it with their labor;

f) allocation of land within the “labor norm”.

15. The reason for the dissolution of the First State Duma was:

a) the Duma “Address to the People” on the land issue;

b) the Duma’s decision to dismiss the government of I. L. Goremykin;

c) the murder of Duma deputies M. Ya. Herzenstein and G. B. Yollos.

16. After the dissolution of the First State Duma, some of the deputies, on the initiative of the cadet faction, gathered in Vyborg to develop an appeal to the population. They called on the people to:

a) passive resistance - not paying taxes, not performing military service;

b) armed uprising;

c) approval of government actions.

17. The II State Duma worked with:

18. The largest faction in the Second State Duma was:

a) cadets;

b) Trudoviks;

c) social democrats.

19. The II State Duma was called “red” because:

a) representatives of all major revolutionary parties took part in its work;

b) she adopted a law on the partial alienation of landowners' lands;

c) it met in the Red Hall of the Tauride Palace.

20. The events associated with the dissolution of the II Duma and the publication of the new electoral law of June 3, 1907, were a coup d'etat because:

a) The Duma was dispersed with the help of the army;

b) the emperor did not have the right to dissolve the Duma;

c) the emperor did not have the right to change the electoral law without the consent of the Duma.

a) landowners;

b) representatives of the bourgeois strata;

c) intelligentsia.

22. Boycotted the elections to the III State Duma:

b) Socialist Revolutionary Party;

c) monarchist party.

23. The party that received the largest number of seats in the III State Duma was:

a) constitutional democratic;

c) “peaceful renewal”.

24. On July 26, 1914, a special meeting of the IV State Duma was held, at which the so-called holy alliance between the deputies was concluded. The main outcome of this meeting was that:

a) almost all deputies, with the exception of monarchists, voted against Russia’s entry into the world war;

b) deputies expressed no confidence in the government;

c) almost all deputies, with the exception of the Social Democrats, voted for the acceptance of war loans.

25. In November 1914, five deputies of the IV State Duma were arrested, contrary to parliamentary immunity. They represented the faction:

a) cadets;

b) Social Revolutionaries;

c) Bolsheviks.

26. Indicate the chairmen of the Duma:

a) F. A. Golovin; b) N. A. Khomyakov,

A. I. Guchkov, M. V. Rodzianko;

c) M. V. Rodzianko; d) S. A. Muromtsev.

Reforms of P. A. Stolypin

1. P. A. Stolypin’s agricultural program included measures such as:

a) liquidation of landownership;

b) widespread development of the cooperative movement;

c) free exit of peasants from the community;

d) resettlement of peasants beyond the Urals;

D) prohibition of free purchase and sale of land.

a) diverting the attention of peasants from the idea of forced alienation of landowners’ lands;

b) turning Russia into a rule of law state;

c) the formation of market relations in the agricultural sector.

3. P. A. Stolypin’s agrarian reform was aimed at:

a) destruction of the communal psychology of the Russian peasantry;

b) the formation of a wide layer of small bourgeois owners;

c) liquidation of large land owners.

4. Russian peasants did not want to leave the community:

a) due to the lack of state support for individual farms;

b) under the influence of revolutionary propaganda;

c) due to existing psychological stereotypes.

a) he himself was a large landowner;

b) in his opinion, this idea contradicted

norms of the rule of law;

c) believed that the implementation of this idea would lead to endless redistribution of property.

6. The benefits provided to migrant peasants were:

a) exemption from military conscription;

b) cash benefit;

c) free provision of equipment;

d) the right to duty-free trade on the foreign market.

7. During the Stolypin agrarian reform, peasants put forward such a form of self-organization as:

a) volost peasant councils;

b) All-Russian Peasant Union;

c) agricultural cooperatives.

8. After the introduction of courts-martial (decree of August 19, 1906), contemporaries began to call the gallows “Stolypin ties.” The author of this expression was:

a) State Duma deputy cadet F.I. Rodichev;

b) Bolshevik leader V.I. Lenin;

c) retired Prime Minister S. Yu. Witte.

9. Stolypin’s agrarian reform was supported by the party:

a) socialist revolutionaries;

c) "Union of the Russian People."

10. Nicholas II stopped supporting Stolypin because:

a) saw in his endeavors a threat to autocratic power;

b) was afraid of being in the shadow of the bright figure of the minister;

c) was against the destruction of the peasant community.

11. The terrorist act against P. A. Stolypin was committed by:

a) E. F. Azef;

b) D. G. Bogrov;

c) B. 3. Savinkov.

12. After the death of Stolypin, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers became:

a) I. L. Goremykin;

b) V. N. Kokovtsov;

c) B.V. Sturmer.

13. Indicate which terms correspond to the following definitions:

a) a form of organization of production and labor based on group ownership, a form of connections between enterprises engaged in the joint production of certain products;

b) a plot of land allocated to a peasant upon leaving the community with the preservation of his yard in the village;

c) a plot of land allocated to a peasant when he left the community and moved from the village to his own plot.

a) Farm; b) cooperation; c) cut

Foreign policy of Nicholas II

1. At the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II, Russia’s special interest in a peaceful Europe was explained by the fact that:

a) the country had no allies among the leading European powers;

b) its military-industrial potential was significantly inferior to the potential of the European powers;

c) peace in Europe facilitated the establishment of Russian dominance in East Asia.

2. To establish peace in Europe, Nicholas II:

a) entered into an agreement with Great Britain;

b) initiated the convening of an international conference on the problems of general disarmament;

c) recognized the primacy of Austria-Hungary in the Balkans.

3. Indicate which event falls out of the general logical series:

a) the death of the cruiser “Varyag”; b) defense of Port Arthur; c) Battle of Tsushima; d) Brusilovsky breakthrough; e) Portsmouth Peace.

4. Match names and facts:

a) S. Yu. Witte;

b) Nicholas II;

c) S. O. Makarov;

d) A. M. Stessel;

e) A. N. Kuropatkin;

f) 3. P. Rozhdestvensky.

a) The Hague International Conference; b) the death of the cruiser "Petropavlovsk"; c) conclusion of the Portsmouth Peace; d) Battle of Tsushima; e) surrender of Port Arthur; f) Mukden disaster.

5. During the Russo-Japanese War, an outstanding Russian artist died:

a) V.V. Vereshchagin;

b) I.K. Aivazovsky;

c) A. I. Kuindzhi

6. Place the following events in chronological order:

a) the battle of Liaoyang;

b) the fall of Port Arthur;

c) the battle of the Shahe River;

d) Battle of Tsushima;

e) the battle of Mukden.

7. The Treaty of Portsmouth provided:

a) compensation by Russia for material losses to Japan in the amount of 100 million gold rubles;

b) occupation of Sakhalin Island by Japanese troops;

c) transfer of South Sakhalin to Japan;

d) transfer to Japan the lease of the Liaodong Peninsula.

8. At the beginning of the 20th century. "The powder keg of Europe" was called:

a) Polish lands that were part of Russia;

b) Balkans;

c) the German Empire.

9. The Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian army in the initial period of the First World War was:

a) Nicholas II;

b) Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich;

c) A. A. Brusilov.

10. The commander-in-chief of the Southwestern Front in 1916 was:

a) A. A. Brusilov;

b) Ya. G. Zhilinsky;

c) A. V. Samsonov.

11. The decisive influence on the failures of the Russian army in 1915 was had by:

a) severe weather conditions;

b) lack of shells;

c) the presence of German spies at the royal court.

12. The following were successful for the Russian troops in the First World War:

a) Galician operation (August-September 1914);

b) Gorlitsky breakthrough (April-June 1915);

c) Erzurum operation (December 1915 - February 1916).

13. Place the following events in chronological order:

a) Brusilovsky breakthrough;

b) East Prussian operation;

c) Galician operation;

d) evacuation of Russian troops from Warsaw;

e) Gorlitsky breakthrough.

Aggravation of the internal political situation

1. The real purpose of the sensational trial of 1913, called the “Beilis case,” was the government’s desire to:

a) uncover an extensive German spy network;

b) cause a new explosion of anti-Semitism;

c) defeat the largest terrorist organization.

2. At the end of 1914, Nikolai P notified in writing the Chairman of the Council of Ministers V.N. Kokovtsov of his resignation. Arguing this decision, the emperor, in particular, wrote: “... the rapid pace of internal life and the amazing rise of the country’s economic forces require the adoption of decisive and serious measures, which only a fresh person can cope with.” This “fresh” person, appointed by the emperor to the post of prime minister after Kokovtsov’s resignation, was:

a) I. L. Goremykin;

b) P. N. Milyukov;

c) A. V. Krivoshein.

3. In 1915, the Chairman of the IV State Duma M.V. Rodzianko called the “greatest mistake” of Nicholas’s reign:

a) creation of the “Progressive Bloc”;

b) arrest of Minister of War V. A. Sukhomlinov;

c) Nicholas II assumed the duties of Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

4. Indicate which factor was decisive in the rapid restructuring of the Russian economy on a war footing:

a) combining the efforts of the state and private capital;

b) general labor mobilization of the population;

c) influx of foreign investment.

5. “Progressive block” is:

a) organization of progressive-minded intelligentsia;

b) scientific and technical society;

c) an inter-party coalition of deputies of the Duma and the State Council.

6. The “Progressive Bloc” advocated:

a) immediate end to the war;

b) replacing the autocratic monarchy with a democratic republic;

c) the creation of a government of “public trust”, responsible to the Duma.

7. Participated in the murder of Rasputin:

a) P. N. Milyukov;

b) V. M. Purishkevich;

c) V.V. Shulgin.

8. In 1915, the following was put on trial for the unpreparedness of the Russian army for war:

a) Minister of War V. A. Sukhomlinov;

b) Manager of the Ministry of Railways A.F. Trepov;

c) Minister of the Imperial Court V. B. Frederike.

9. Indicate which of the following statements correspond to historical reality:

a) in 1916, Russia experienced a catastrophic drop in arms production;

b) in gratitude for the services rendered during the war, Nicholas II introduced representatives of the big bourgeoisie into the government;

c) in the fall of 1916, there was an acute shortage of food in Moscow and Petrograd;

d) the Cadets and Octobrists sharply condemned the government for launching military operations against Germany;

e) the leader of the Bolsheviks V.I. Lenin put forward the slogan of the defeat of his government in the war;

f) Lenin’s position on the war was supported by the oldest Russian Marxist G.V. Plekhanov.

Silver Age of Russian Culture

1. Indicate which of the following statements do not correspond to historical reality:

a) in 1908, universal primary education was introduced in the Russian Empire;

b) at the beginning of the 20th century. in Russia all classes had access to higher education;

c) at the beginning of the 20th century. The literacy level of the population of the Russian Empire was the lowest among the leading world powers;

d) Russian government spending on education has been constantly declining.

2. The Nobel Prize laureates were:

a) D. I. Mendeleev;

b) I. I. Mechnikov;

c) I. P. Pavlov.

3. Indicate the area of research of the following scientists:

a) P. N. Lebedev;

b) V. I. Vernadsky;

c) I. P. Pavlov;

d) I. I. Mechnikov;

d) N. E. Zhukovsky;

f) K. E. Tsiolkovsky;

g) V. O. Klyuchevsky.

a) Physiology; b) immunology; c) history of Russia; d) physics of electromagnetic waves; e) rocket science; f) aerodynamics; g) the doctrine of the biosphere.

4. The first Russian car was called:

a) "Russo-Balt";

c) “Russian Knight”.

5. N. A. Berdyaev, S. N. Bulgakov, P. B. Struve, S. L. Frank are:

c) participants in the “Russian Seasons” in Paris.

6. “We were and are the first Bolsheviks in art” - this is the slogan:

a) acmeists;

b) symbolists;

c) futurists.

7. Specify a name that falls outside the general logical series:

a) I. P. Argunov; b) V.V. Kandinsky;

c) A. V. Lentulov; d) K. S. Malevich;

e) R. R. Falk; f) M. Z. Chagall.

8. Indicate which of the listed artists of the early 20th century. The following works belong to:

a) V. A. Serov;

b) B. M. Kustodiev;

c) K. S. Petrov-Vodkin;

d) N. I. Altman;

e) K. S. Malevich;

e) M. A. Vrubel.

a) “Bathing the Red Horse” (1912); b) portrait of A. A. Akhmatova (1914); c) “Black Square” (1913); d) “The Rape of Europe” (1910); e) “The Demon Defeated” (1902); f) “The Merchant's Wife” (1914).

9. The artists of the Blue Rose association belonged to:

a) primitivists;

b) symbolists;

c) cubists.

10. The activities of the “World of Art” reflected the idea:

a) synthesis of various types of arts;

b) return to folk traditions;

c) denial of previous cultural experience.

11. Organizer of the “Russian Seasons” in Paris in 1907-1913. was:

a) A. N. Benois;

b) S. P. Diaghilev;

c) F.I. Shalyapin.

12. Indicate who made a significant contribution to the development:

a) ballet;

c) theater;

d) cinema.

a) A. A. Gorsky; b) T. P. Karsavina; c) V. F. Komissarzhevskaya; d) V. E. Meyerhold; e) V. F. Nijinsky; f) A. P. Pavlova; g) Ya. A. Protazanov; h) L. V. Sobinov; i) K. S. Stanislavsky; j) V.V. Kholodnaya; l) F. I. Chaliapin; m) M. M. Fokin.

13. The first Russian feature film, released in 1908, was called:

a) “Queen of Spades”;

b) “Woman with a Dagger”;

c) “Stenka Razin and the princess.”

14. The first Russian full-length film, which appeared in 1911, was called:

a) “Defense of Sevastopol”;

b) “Song of Triumphant Love”;

c) "Nobles' Nest".

15. M. E. Pyatnitsky’s contribution to Russian culture is that he:

a) organized the first theater school-studio;

b) founded the Russian folk choir;

c) created the country's first film studio.

16. Specify the terms that correspond to the following definitions:

a) a literary movement, whose representatives saw the goal of creativity in the subconscious-intuitive comprehension of the secret meanings of life that are beyond the limits of sensory experience;

b) a direction in art that denies the artistic and moral heritage, preaches a break with traditional culture and the aesthetics of modern urban civilization with its dynamics and impersonality;

c) direction in Russian poetry at the beginning of the 20th century,

advocated concrete sensory perception of the “material world”, returning the word to its original meaning.

a) Acmeism; b) symbolism; c) futurism.

2. The formation of Russian parliamentarism

The political camps, their classes and parties were:

The Bolshevik program was the most radical. It defined the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat as the main, final goal of the party.

Bolshevik strategy made the following provisions:

– the main goal of the proletariat is to overthrow the autocracy and establish a democratic republic;

– the hegemon of the revolution is the proletariat in alliance with the peasantry and various democratic forces;

– creation of a revolutionary government with the active participation of representatives of the RSDLP in it;

– the development of a democratic revolution into a socialist revolution.

– political freedoms;

- the reign of the Tsar in accordance with the State Duma;

– the Duma was endowed with legislative rights;

– a wider layer of subjects was allowed to participate in the elections.

Thus ended the history of the formation of Russian parliamentarism at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Introduction

The relevance of the chosen topic for the essay is due to the fact that in the last decade in Russia the political poles of power have been the President and the State Duma. The relationship between the head of state and elected bodies in Russia has always been contradictory. During the reign of the last autocrat of the Russian Empire, Nicholas II, a new state authority appeared - the State Duma.

The concept of “Federal Assembly” was first used in the draft Constitution of the Russian Federation prepared by the Constitutional Commission created by the First Congress of People's Deputies (known as O. Rumyantsev's project), where the Federal Assembly was understood as one of the chambers of the renewed parliament. According to Art. 87 of the draft, the updated Supreme Council was to consist of two chambers: the State Duma and the Federal Assembly. As a name not for one of the chambers, but for the parliament as a whole, the concept “Federal Assembly” was used in the Presidential draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation, prepared by S.S. Alekseev, S.M. Shakhrai and presented at the first meeting of the Constitutional Conference in May 1993. However, the legal basis for the real, practical creation of the Federal Assembly as the highest representative institution, the national parliament of the country was created by the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of September 21, 1993 “On step-by-step constitutional reform in the Russian Federation " The decree was of decisive importance in the practical implementation of the proposals for the Federal Assembly.

The Decree stated: “To interrupt the exercise of legislative, administrative and control functions by the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation” and proposed to establish a new bicameral parliament - the Federal Assembly, consisting of the Federation Council and the State Duma.

I was interested in learning about the development of parliamentarism in Russia and comparing the Tsarist Duma with the current one. After all, it was the State Duma of the early twentieth century that was an important factor in political development and influenced many areas of political life. As is known, the main task of historical science is to, based on an objective analysis of identified factors, give an optimal forecast for the development of a particular phenomenon, and reveal the causes of certain phenomena in the present.

1 Concept, characteristics of parliaments, their classification

In accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation on December 12, 1993: “The Federal Assembly - the Parliament of Russia - is the representative and legislative body of the Russian Federation” (Article 94).

Parliaments (legislatures), quasi-parliamentary institutions - as bodies that simultaneously carry out both the functions of representing society and, at the same time, legislative functions - have been created in the vast majority of states of the modern world, regardless of the form of government and political regime: not only in constitutional, but also in absolute monarchies ; not only under democratic, but also emergency, military and revolutionary regimes. Experts believe that countries where there are no such institutions are rather an exception to the rule.

The official names used to designate the highest bodies of legislative power ... are extremely varied. As N. S. Krylova, a well-known Russian expert on constitutional law of foreign countries, writes: “The term “parliament” is most often used. The classic example is the British Parliament. Some constitutions use the term "legislature". Other names are also common: Federal Assembly in Switzerland, Congress - in the USA, Storting - in Norway, Althing - in Iceland, Cortes General - in Spain, Knesset - in Israel, People's Assembly - in Egypt, Supreme Council (Rada) - in Ukraine , National People's Congress1, etc. In Russia, as we see, according to the formula of the 1993 Constitution of the Russian Federation, a “double” name is used: Federal Assembly - the Parliament of Russia.

The term "parliament" comes from a Latin word and literally means "talking room", "interview", "serious conversation". The term "legislature" also comes from the Latin word "lex" - law. The first ancestors of parliaments appeared in the 12th-13th centuries. - Spanish Cortes and English Parliament. The expression “parliament” itself came into use around the same time. In England, which is considered the birthplace of parliament (where the first use of the concept of "parliament" arose), the word was originally used to name the afternoon conversation of monarchs. Later, this word in England began to mean any meetings with monarchs, and even later, periodic interviews (consultations) of the king with magnates “on the great affairs of the kingdom”2. At the same time, as the famous Russian statesman and professor of constitutional law A. A. Mishin noted: already in the XII-XIII centuries. Most often, the word “parliament” “means a permanent council of statesmen and judges, which received petitions, considered complaints and generally regulated the administration of justice.”3 Thus, historically, the concept of parliament has undergone significant evolution. Along with England, estate (estate-representative) institutions limiting the power of the monarch, but somewhat later in time arose in Poland, Hungary, France, Spain and other countries, where they also, in the process of evolution and revolutions, developed into representative institutions of the modern type or were replaced them.4

However, the models of legislative institutions operating in modern states are not homogeneous; not all of them are parliaments. In particular, the legislative bodies of socialist states are not parliamentary-type entities. Thus, the bodies of state (legislative) power in the USSR and the RSFSR were not parliaments. Moreover, as one of the authors of the well-known series of textbooks “Constitutional (state) law of foreign countries” B. A. Strashun and V. A. Ryzhov note: “The socialist concept of state and democracy avoided even the term “parliament”, because the founders of Marxism-Leninism , especially by V.I. Lenin, this institution was denounced on all sides as a virtually powerless talking shop designed to “deceive the common people”5. The National People's Congress, the legislative body in the People's Republic of China, is not a parliament either, since “in reality, the decisions of such bodies only give state formality to the decisions of narrow governing bodies (the Politburo, central committees) of the communist parties. Finally, “in developing countries, especially in Africa and Asia, parliaments, even in cases where they are formally built on the model of developed Western countries, in reality are also usually powerless, registering decisions of extra-parliamentary centers of genuine power,” i.e. they are not parliamentary entities according to its essence6. In all of these cases, the use of the term “parliament” to designate the highest representative body is possible only for the purposes of practical convenience, as an element of technology, but in essence such word usage is very conditional.7

A qualifying feature of parliament is that, as in court, in the activities of parliament, unlike executive authorities, the rules of due process must be strictly observed. Such a specific procedural form of parliamentary activity is the legislative process, all stages of which are clearly described in the law (parliamentary regulations), and the most important stages - legislative initiative, voting on a bill - are usually defined in the state constitution. The legislative function is the main, but not the only function of parliaments. Along with legislative functions, parliaments also carry out control functions. The minimum parliamentary control is budgetary and financial control.

Different scientific positions reflect different ways of defining the scope and nature of the legislative competence of parliaments and indicate the need to distinguish between the concepts of “relatively limited competence” and “relatively defined competence”. Therefore, along with the three mentioned above, we can talk about another, fourth, model of organizing parliaments - about parliaments with relatively defined competence. The differentiation of parliaments into such types as: with absolutely unlimited, absolutely limited and relatively limited competence takes into account the difference in the scope of competence of parliaments. And the identification of parliaments with relatively specific competence is associated with a new idea - about the situationally and over time changing boundaries of parliamentary competence. Therefore, the same state can fall into different classification groups (for example, both the third and the fourth).

Parliaments with relatively defined competence are characterized by the following features. With this model of parliamentary organization, at least three lists of powers in the legislative sphere are enshrined in the state constitution: the Federation, its subjects, and the third sphere - joint jurisdiction or competing competence. On this third list of issues, laws can be issued by both the federal parliament and the parliaments of the constituent entities of the federation. Thus, the federal Parliament has not only a sphere of its exclusive jurisdiction, but also a sphere of legislative powers, which it shares with the parliaments of the constituent entities of the Federation. Hence the “sliding” relative certainty of the competence of both the federal parliament and the parliaments of the constituent entities of the Federation.

2 History of the formation of parliamentarism in pre-revolutionary Russia

In January-February 1905, the first Russian revolution began in Russia (1905-1907). It demonstrated that the autocratic period in the history of the Russian state is ending and the period of practical constitutionalization and parliamentarization of the country begins. The first, initially moderate steps towards parliamentarization were associated with the adoption by Nicholas II of documents dated August 6, 1905: “The Highest Manifesto on the Establishment of the State Duma”, “The Law on the Establishment of the State Duma” and “Regulations on Elections to the State Duma”. However, these acts established the status of the State Duma as a legislative advisory body under the monarch. As experts note: “The manifesto on the establishment of the Duma announced that the highest state institutions would include a special legislative establishment,” but at the same time, “... the Basic Law of the Russian Empire on the essence of autocratic power remains inviolable”8. In addition, the documents of August 6, 1905 on the elections contained a lot of restrictions and qualification requirements that prevented wide circles of Russian society from taking part even in such a powerless State Duma.

The State Council was supposed to function in tandem with the State Duma. The status of a legislative body under the monarch was given to the State Council on the date of its creation - in 1810. The manifesto of August 6, 1905 only confirmed this status of the State Council.

The starting point for the formation of parliamentarism in Russia was the Highest Manifesto, signed by Tsar Nicholas II on October 17, 1905 “On the improvement of public order” and a number of acts developing the provisions of the Manifesto and also approved by the emperor’s decrees of December 1905-1906: Decree of December 11 1905 “On changing the Regulations on elections to the State Duma (dated August 6, 1905) and the legislation issued in addition to it”, Manifesto of February 20, 1906 “On changing the establishment of the State Council and on revising the establishment of the State Duma”, Decree of February 20, 1906 “Establishment of the State Duma” (new edition), etc.

The rights in legislative activities of not only the State Duma, but also the State Council were expanded. The State Council, like the State Duma, was also vested with legislative, rather than advisory, powers. Characterizing the organization of the State Duma and the State Council of Russia in the model of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 and the Decrees of Nicholas II of February 20, 1906... “many experts express the opinion that they were, as it were, chambers of the Bicameral Parliament, that the Manifesto and Decrees of February 20, 1906 “turned the State Council, essentially, into the second chamber of the Russian parliament.”9 Although this cannot be said with absolute categoricality, since officially these were two independent state bodies.

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In accordance with the Highest Manifesto “On changing the establishment of the State Council and revising the establishment of the State Duma” (dated February 20, 1906), the principles of the formation of the State Council were radically changed: if previously “it consisted mainly of elderly dignitaries of the empire who had retired from active state activities “10 then, according to the Decree of February 20, the transformed State Council consisted of two categories of members: not only those appointed by the monarch, but also elected. There were five categories of elected members of the State Council: elected by the Synod from the Orthodox clergy (6 members); elected from the Academy of Sciences and universities (6 members); elected representatives from industry and trade (12 people); elected from each provincial zemstvo assembly (1 member); elected from noble societies (18 members)11. The addition of an elected part to the State Council provided it with the quality of a body of social representation. In this regard, let us pay attention, however, that the chairman of the State Council was appointed by the emperor from the unelected part of the members of the Council (Article 3 of Chapter I of the Emperor’s Decree of February 20, 1906 “0 reorganization of the establishment of the State Council”).

Changes were also made to the State Duma election procedure. In pursuance of the Manifesto I October 7, 1905, in 1905 - 1906. a number of decrees were issued that introduced significant changes and additions to the Election Regulations of August 6, 1905. The most important among them was the royal decree of December 11, 1905 “On amending the Regulations on elections to the State Duma and the legislation issued in addition to it” . In fact, the Regulations of December 11, 1905 became the second (after the Regulations of August 6, 1905) legislative act on the electoral procedure, in accordance with which “elections to the First and Second State Dumas were held.”12

According to experts (0. I. Chistyakov): “The new law did not differ from the previous one in any significant way.”13 Significant restrictions on the principle of universal suffrage still remained: as in the Regulations of August 6, 1905, property qualifications were fixed for elections Women, youth under 25, military personnel and people leading a nomadic lifestyle were not allowed. The decree of December 11, 1905 also provided for a curial system of elections, separating each estate into an independent curia. However, the innovation was that to the three curiae (landowner, urban and peasant), another one was added - the workers' curia. Similar to the Regulations on the Elections of August 6, and the Decree of December 11, 1905, unequal standards of representation from the curiae were consolidated: the advantage of the curiae of large landowners and the large urban bourgeoisie was ensured. According to O.I. Chistyakov’s calculations: “... one vote of a landowner was equal to three votes of peasants and forty-five votes of working voters.”14

However, large representation in the State Duma was also ensured for the peasantry (45% of seats in the Duma)15, which was explained primarily by socio-demographic reasons, since the peasantry made up a significant part of the Russian population of that period. As O.I. Chistyakov notes: while allowing broad representation of the peasantry in the State Duma, “the authors of the electoral laws were... in error: they hoped for the conservative and monarchical attitudes of the peasantry. Count A.A. Bobrinsky, in harmony with some other participants in the Peterhof meetings, said: “All the waves of eloquence of the advanced elements will break against the stable wall of conservative peasants.” The history of the First and Second State Dumas refuted these illusions.”16

The regulations on elections to the State Duma, approved by the Decree of Nicholas II of December 11, 1905, as well as the Regulations of August 6, 1905, provided for multi-level elections, and a different number of levels was established for each curia. The following were preserved: two-level elections for large landowners and bourgeois and four-level elections for peasants; For the new electoral curia - the workers - three-stage elections were introduced.

Many modern experts note that the system of relations between the State Council and the State Duma was built on the model of organizing the upper and lower houses of a bicameral parliament, although the formally analyzed legislation provided for equal rights of the Duma and the Council.17

Signs of the State Council as the “upper house” of parliament 11 were revealed in its following powers:

Bills adopted by the State Duma acquired the force of law only after their approval by the State Council;

The State Council had the right of veto over bills adopted by the Duma. This “veto” did not need confirmation from the emperor: the decisions of the Duma rejected by the State Council were not presented to the tsar; that is, the “veto” of the State Council was absolute (in this regard, the State Council exceeded the level of powers of the upper houses of classical parliaments);

It was the chairman of the State Council (and not the chairman of the Duma) who introduced bills adopted by both chambers at the discretion of the emperor (Article 14 of Chapter II of the Decree of February 29, 1906 “On the reorganization of the establishment of the State Council”).

As for the powers of the Russian parliament itself - the State Duma, they were limited to: firstly, the State Council; secondly, in terms of subject matter. Thus, in accordance with the Decree of February 20, 1906 “Establishment of the State Duma” (Chapter V), the Duma did not have the authority to implement constitutional reform: it did not have the right “even to raise the issue of changing the Basic State Laws”18. Among the most important powers of the State Duma (in the model of acts of February 20, 1906), O. I. Chistyakov notes: “budgetary rights, as well as some issues related to the construction of railways and the establishment of joint-stock companies and the right of Duma deputies to make requests to representatives of the administration."19

The pinnacle of development of legislation on the State Duma, established under the pressure of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907. The Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire of April 23, 1906, approved by the Decree of Nicholas II, also became. Now the circle of supporters of the position is expanding that the Basic State Laws of April 23, 1906 can be qualified as the first Russian Constitution - although they were not officially called a constitution.

The Basic State Laws formulated the concept of Parliament, “built-in” into a specific mechanism of “separation of powers”. The peculiarity of this mechanism of “separation of powers” stemmed from the fact that the Constitution itself was granted (octroied) by the Russian Emperor on April 23, 1906, so it did not deny the principle of autocracy.

In the basic state laws of April 1906, an attempt was made to combine the principle of autocracy with the principle of “separation of powers”:

Thus, the preamble of the Basic State Laws of 1906 spoke of the delimitation of the area belonging to the monarch “inseparably the power of the supreme government from the legislative power” (Part 3 of the preamble). Obviously, here we are talking about the distinction between constituent and legislative powers.

In the preamble and in Art. 4 of the Basic State Laws it was said about the “supreme autocratic power” that belongs inseparably to the emperor (the power of supreme government).

In the preamble and in Art. 7 also called “legislative power”, which is exercised by the “sovereign-emperor... in unity with the State Council and the State Duma.”

Thus, the monarch confirmed that he renounces the monopoly in legislative activity and recognizes the State Council and the State Duma as two more legislative bodies to which he transfers part of his powers in the legislative sphere.

In addition to participating in the parliamentary legislative process, the monarch, according to the Basic State Laws of April 23, 1906, had the authority to make independent laws. We note two aspects here. Firstly, as indicated, the Basic State Laws (i.e., constitutional laws) were subject to change only at the “initiative” (initiative) of the emperor. Secondly, the monarch, in individual cases, could issue normative acts (decrees) on issues within the competence of parliamentary regulation. However, this rule-making activity of the emperor could only be carried out “during the cessation of the State Duma” caused by emergency circumstances. In addition, acts of rule-making activity of the monarch on issues falling under the jurisdiction of Parliament had to be confirmed by the State Duma after the resumption of its work, otherwise their effect was terminated. Thus, the Russian monarch, in accordance with the Basic State Law of April 23, 1906, retained fairly broad powers, although in the sphere of exercising legislative power they were no longer absolute, but limited.

As for the mechanisms of their formation, these legislative bodies differed from each other. The State Council consisted of two categories of persons: up to 1/2 of its composition were “members by highest appointment”, at least 1/2 were members of the Council by choice (Article 58 of the Basic State Laws). Fixed terms of tenure in the State Council were not established. The State Duma was formed only from members elected by the population of the Russian Empire; The duration of their registration was set at 5 years (Article 59). The elected composition of members of the State Council and the State Duma in its entirety could be dissolved before the expiration of their term of office (Articles 62, 63). The Basic State Laws did not establish on what grounds the monarch had the right to dissolve elected legislative bodies. That is, theoretically, he could do this completely arbitrarily. The monarch's arbitrariness on the issue of early termination of the powers of elected members of the State Council and the State Duma was limited only by his duty to issue a decree calling new elections to these bodies.

3 History of the formation of the Soviet system as bodies of state power in socialist Russia

In their historical development, the Soviets went through two main stages. The Soviets first emerged as a mass political organization of working people - this was the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905 - 1907. The first Soviets arose as organs of the strike struggle of the proletariat, as Soviets of Workers' Deputies, that is, they were created mainly on the production principle. The Soviets led the armed uprising of the proletariat against the autocracy. According to the definition of the founder of the Soviet socialist state, V.I. Lenin: “The Councils of Workers’ Deputies of 1905, despite all their infancy, spontaneity, lack of formalization, vagueness in composition and functioning, acted as power,” through the Soviets the proletariat exercised its hegemony in the first Russian revolution. However, while leading the revolution of 1905 - 1907. The councils of workers' deputies increasingly grew into organs of general revolutionary struggle, since they put forward the goals of not only the proletarian, but also the bourgeois-democratic revolution: not only the demand for an 8-hour working day, but also a democratic republic; universal, equal, direct suffrage by secret ballot.

The second stage in the development of the Soviets was the period from February to October 1917. In the very first days of the February revolution, the Soviets re-emerged as bodies of revolutionary power. Unlike the Soviets of 1905, which were created only in large cities and industrial centers, the Soviets of 1905 began to be formed everywhere. Not only the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, but also the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies became widespread. A new phenomenon in the development of the Soviet form was the creation of territorial associations of Soviets, organized on the scale of individual territorial units.

Continuation
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Another step in the formation of the Soviets in February - October 1917 was associated with the creation of their All-Russian associations, as a result of which two centers for organizing the Soviets were established. On May 4-28, 1917, the unification of the Soviets of Peasant Deputies took place on an All-Russian scale: the first All-Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies took place in Petrograd. It elected the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasant Deputies (VTsIK). And on June 3-4, 1917, also in Petrograd, the first All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was held, which elected its All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Of decisive importance for the prospect of transforming the Soviets from revolutionary public organizations into bodies of state power in Russia during the socialist period was the fact of strengthening the position of the Bolshevik Communist Party (RCP(b)) of Russia in the Soviets. It didn't happen right away. Thus, at the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (June 1917), the majority were Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. At the Extraordinary (November 10-25, 1917) and the Second All-Russian (November 26-December 10, 1917) Congresses of Peasant Deputies, the majority of deputies were representatives from the Socialist Revolutionaries (left, right Socialist Revolutionaries and centrist Socialist Revolutionaries). The decisive step towards the Bolshevization of the Soviets was the Second All-Russian Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. It began its work on October 25, 1917. In parallel with the practical testing of the idea of the Soviets, the practice of the idea of the Constituent Assembly also developed. But in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks did not have such high success; the Socialist Revolutionaries enjoyed more support. But in the elections to the Constituent Assembly held on November 12, 1917, 58% of all voters voted “for” the Socialist Revolutionaries, 27.6% for the Socialist Democrats (of which 25% were for the Bolsheviks, 2.6% for the Mensheviks), for cadets - 13% .20

In this regard, immediately after the elections to the Constituent Assembly on December 2, 1917, V.I. Lenin for the first time declared the preference of the Soviets rather than the Constituent Assembly. The reason is easy to see: because the RSDLP (b) had an advantage in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, but found itself in the minority in the Constituent Assembly. To recognize the Constituent Assembly meant for her to transfer power to another party. In a speech on December 2, 1917, V.I. Lenin stated: “The Soviets are above all parties, all Constituent Assemblies.”21 Opposition parties demonstrated a readiness to compromise. Thus, at the congress of the Socialist Revolutionary Party - the Socialist Revolutionary Party (SRP), held from November 6 to December 5, 1917, a resolution was adopted on the Socialist Revolutionary model of Russian democracy in the form of a combination of the Constituent Assembly and Soviets. At the Congress “it was emphasized that the Soviets must be strengthened as powerful class organizations of the working people. The role of the Socialist Revolutionary Party as a constructive opposition force in relation to the ruling regime was also defined. During the work of the Constituent Assembly, it was intended to counter the Bolshevik method of issuing “impossible promises” with the tactics of serious legislative creativity.”22

On January 5, 1918, the first (and last) meeting of the Constituent Assembly opened. It adopted the law on land and the decree on peace and government, which proclaimed Russia the Russian Democratic Federative Republic. The Constituent Assembly refused to discuss the Bolshevik-proposed “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People” (written by Lenin). As a result, even before any other discussions, the Bolsheviks left the Tauride Palace. And “in the morning, an armed guard asked the delegates to leave the meeting room. The meeting was dissolved."23

Thus, the Soviets received the prospect of becoming the only bodies of representative power in Russia. After the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, measures were taken to unite the city and village Soviets. First, the Central Executive Committees of the two types of Councils were united into a single All-Russian Executive Committee of Councils. And on January 23 (13), 1918, the united All-Russian Congress of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies took place. In the same way, the regional, provincial and district Soviets united. As a result, a unified system of Soviets of workers, soldiers and peasants' deputies arose.

4 History of the establishment of the Federal Assembly as the Parliament of the Russian Federation of the post-Soviet post-socialist period

The concept of “Federal Assembly” was first used in the draft Constitution of the Russian Federation prepared by the Constitutional Commission created by the First Congress of People's Deputies (known as O. Rumyantsev's project), where the Federal Assembly was understood as one of the chambers of the renewed parliament. According to Art. 87 of the draft, the updated Supreme Council was to consist of two chambers: the State Duma and the Federal Assembly.24 As the name not of one of the chambers, but of the parliament as a whole, the concept “Federal Assembly” was used in the Presidential draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation, prepared by S. S. Alekseev , S. M. Shakhrai25 and presented at the first meeting of the Constitutional Conference in May 1993. However, the legal basis for the real, practical creation of the Federal Assembly as the highest representative institution, the national parliament of the country was created by the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of September 21, 1993 “On the phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation." The decree was of decisive importance in the practical implementation of the proposals for the Federal Assembly.

The Decree stated: “To interrupt the exercise of legislative, administrative and control functions by the Congress of People’s Deputies and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation” and proposed to establish a new bicameral parliament - the Federal Assembly, consisting of the Federation Council and the State Duma.26

The status of the Federation Council and the State Duma was initially regulated by the “Regulations on Federal Authorities for the Transitional Period,” which was put into effect by the said Presidential Decree of September 21, 1993 (No. 1400).27

However, the Federation Council on the date of adoption of the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of September 21, 1993 was actually a functioning institution. Therefore, with regard to the Federation Council, the novelty was that its status was transformed, now it was given the quality of the House of Parliament. Thus, the State Duma was to become a completely new institution. The Decree stated: “Give the Federation Council the functions of the chamber of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation with all the powers provided for by the Regulations “On Federal Bodies of Government for the Transitional Period.” Establish that the implementation of these provisions begins by the Federation Council after elections to the State Duma are held.”

So, the Federation Council, unlike the State Duma, began its existence not as a chamber of the Federal Assembly, but as an independent body. The first mention of the Federation Council appeared in the Resolution of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR “On the Federative Treaty” dated July 17, 1990.28 According to this Resolution, to implement the decisions of the First Congress of People's Deputies, to profoundly transform the entire Russian Federation and to organize work on the preparation of the Federative Treaty between the RSFSR and its subjects, among other measures, planned the creation of a Federation Council “in the number of 63 people consisting of the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, chairmen of the Supreme Councils of the autonomous republics, chairmen of the Councils of People's Deputies (SND) of autonomous regions and autonomous districts and 31 representatives from territories, regions and cities of republican subordination, determined by the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR."

On January 30, 1991, the Resolution of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR “On the Regulations of the Federation Council of the RSFSR”29 was issued, in which the Federation Council was defined as a slightly narrower board, including: the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR (Chairman of the Federation Council), Chairmen of the Supreme Councils of the republics included members of the RSFSR, chairmen of the SND of autonomous regions and districts, regional, regional, Moscow and Leningrad city SND “The resolution also stated that: “The Federation Council is a coordinating body. The main directions of his activity: establishment and development of federal relations; discussion of the most important bills in the field of government and interethnic relations; identification and coordination of the main directions of socio-economic policy; development of a common position in relation to the Union Treaty; ensuring the participation of the subjects of the Federation in the implementation of constitutional provisions on the national-state structure of the RSFSR; development of recommendations for resolving interethnic and territorial disputes; giving specific conclusions on the inclusion of new entities in Federative relations.”

On October 23, 1992, the Order of the President of the Russian Federation was issued on the creation of an even narrower board of the Council of Heads of Republics, i.e., it included only heads of republics. It said: “Accept the proposal of the heads of the republics on the formation of the Council of Heads of the Republics, chaired by the President of the Russian Federation, in order to develop the basic principles for the implementation of the Federal Treaty and public administration of the Russian Federation on the basis of its new Constitution, agreed decisions to ensure the territorial integrity and state independence of Russia.”30 It was approved Regulations on the Council of Heads of Republics and Regulations of the Council of Heads of Republics.

The proposal of the President of the Russian Federation to abolish the Congress and the Supreme Council and transition to a new parliament, set out in the Decree of September 21, 1993, was accepted during the preparation of the draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted in a referendum on December 12, 1993.

The Constitution of the Russian Federation on December 12, 1993 states that the parliament of Russia is the Federal Assembly, consisting of two chambers - the Federation Council and the State Duma.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the following conclusions can be drawn:

The official names used to designate the highest bodies of legislative power are extremely diverse. As N. S. Krylova, a well-known Russian expert on constitutional law of foreign countries, writes: “The term “parliament” is most often used. The classic example is the British Parliament. Some constitutions use the term "legislature". Other names are also common: Federal Assembly in Switzerland, Congress - in the USA, Storting - in Norway, Althing - in Iceland, Cortes General - in Spain, Knesset - in Israel, People's Assembly - in Egypt, Supreme Council (Rada) - in Ukraine , National People's Congress, etc. In Russia, as we see, according to the formula of the 1993 Constitution of the Russian Federation, a “double” name is used: Federal Assembly, Parliament of Russia.

However, the models of legislative institutions operating in modern states are not homogeneous; not all of them are parliaments. In particular, the legislative bodies of socialist states are not parliamentary-type entities. Thus, the bodies of state (legislative) power in the USSR and the RSFSR were not parliaments. Moreover, as one of the authors of the well-known series of textbooks “Constitutional (state) law of foreign countries” B. A. Strashun and V. A. Ryzhov note: “The socialist concept of state and democracy avoided even the term “parliament”, because the founders of Marxism-Leninism , especially by V.I. Lenin, this institution was denounced on all sides as a virtually powerless talking shop designed to “cheat the common people.” The National People's Congress, the legislative body in the People's Republic of China, is not a parliament either, since “in reality, the decisions of such bodies only give state formality to the decisions of narrow governing bodies (the Politburo, central committees) of the communist parties. Finally, “in developing countries, especially in Africa and Asia, parliaments, even in cases where they are formally built on the model of developed Western countries, in reality are also usually powerless, registering decisions of extra-parliamentary centers of genuine power,” i.e. they are not parliamentary entities according to its essence. In all of these cases, the use of the term “parliament” to designate the highest representative body is possible only for the purpose of practical convenience, as an element of technology, but in essence such word usage is very conditional.

Continuation
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